FROM
LASCAUX TO DENDERA
A Study in Archaeoastronomy
and Art
by
Richard Denner
for David Pond
DAGGER
OF LIGHT
The Neolithic Indians
of the Americas built medicine wheels for astronomical purposes. The Bighorn
medicine wheel, in Bighorn National Forest, west of Sheridan, Wyoming,
made of stacked stones, is ninety feet in diameter with twenty-eight spokes
radiating from the central hub, and it can be used to view solar, planetary
and stellar alignments.1
Many pictographs and petroglyphs of southwestern Indian tribes have remarkable
resemblance to celestial phenomena. A set of pictographs on a overhanging
rock at Chaco Canyon, New Mexico, a hand, a crescent-shape and an asterisk-like
symbol, may represent the supernova of 1054 CE.2 In another part of the
canyon, Anna Sofaer found a spiral carved on a rock face in a recess behind
three stone slabs which allow a dagger of light to fall on the spiral
in such a way as to indicate the solstices, equinoxes and the nineteen-year
lunar cycle.3
These early North American astronomers may have been influenced by the
elaborate concepts of the Mayan and Aztec civilizations, but it is also
possible that this knowledge was retained from their Paleolithic past.
TIME FACTORING
We know Neanderthal
mined bloodstone and put flowers in graves. The origins of esthetics are
connected to found objects and to the collectors being sensitive to texture,
form and color. There are unworked stones of curious natural formation
in the archeological sites which suggest animal figures. Among the flint
tools, there are pieces that represent both artistic and utilitarian perfection.4
A rudimentary geometry is involved in the making of stone tools, both
in the process of flaking the stone and in the production from patterns.
With geometry we can describe the orbits of the planets and stars, and
with a simple numerical system we can keep a chronology of events.
The earliest known numeral system is the grouping technique, where a base
symbol is selected, and any number is expressed by adding this symbol
the required number of times. The Egyptians cut their hieroglyphs in stone
in the fourth millennium BCE, but earlier examples of number groupings
have been found. The Ishango bone, described by Alexander Marshak, which
was found on the shore of Lake Edward in Zaire (Congo) and is dated as
being over 8,000 years old, shows numbers preserved by notches.5 A bas-relief,
the Venus of Laussel, carved c.19,000 BCE in the Dordogne, has a crescent
with thirteen or fourteen markings, which could relate to the lunar calendar.6
Given the thought that underlying the apparent arbitrary movements of
nature, there is a pattern of order, given a tradition of accurate measurements
conveyed through oral and pictogramic formula, given patience and good
eyesight, with sticks and stones and a pot of paint, the artists who painted
in the caves at Lascaux, France, could have portrayed the proportional
limitations of the temporal process. These artists did not have our grid
system, yet they discovered the patterns of order in nature.
THE CAVE AT LASCAUX
Boys on a hike discovered
the cave at Lascaux in Southwestern France with their dog in 1940. The
principal paintings in the cave are supposed to date from the Middle Aurignacian,
c. 20,000 BCE.7This date is set by a comparison of painting styles, the
calcification of different rock strata, and carbon dating. The paintings
are extremely well preserved due to a watertight limestone ceiling and
the dormancy of the air in the chambers of the cave. However, the paint
made from minerals within the cave, which was daubed with brushes and
sticks or blown through bones onto the walls and ceilings, is susceptible
to bacteria in human breath. The bacteria produces an algae known as the
green sickness, which harms the paint, so there has been an official closure
of the cave to the public.8
The paintings in the cave at Lascaux have been deemed a miracle, but their
meaning remains an enigma. In general, art historians have concentrated
on documenting the caves, taking measurements and tracings, and they have
only put forth tentative hypotheses about the meanings of the paintings.
There are essentially four categories of interpretation. First, animism,
where all things are filled with an immaterial force animating the universe.9
The portraits are of animal spirits, the painters repainting in order
to renew their power over them. This helps explain the many superimposed
figures. Second, the magic of the hunt, where invisible spirits must be
revered and, if possible, influenced with sympathetic magic.10 This helps
explain certain obscure markings, possibly spears and arrows drawn on
the figures or actual holes dug into the compositions, which indicate
the animal has been killed or wounded. Third, the cult of beauty or pure
decoration, where the artists painted for the pleasure and fascination
of representing creatures that were a part of their lives.11 This helps
explain the high degree of competency in their drawing, their understanding
of animal anatomy, and their incorporation of natural accidents in the
rocks as part of the paintings.
The fourth conjecture is the language of sexuality, where the paintings
are interpreted in the context of a fertility cult, the bison with a female
valence, the horses with a male valence. The prehistorian André
Leroi-Gourhan hazards this idea. In The Time Falling Bodies Take to Light,
William Irwin Thompson couples Leroi-Gourhan's idea with the idea of Alexander
Marshack, that the animal figures are expressions of time-factoring patterns,
to suggest the possibility of a complex cosmology in which the animals
are the early forms of the zodiac.12
There are nearly a hundred paintings that are intact in the cave at Lascaux,
and they incorporate a wide variety of styles, which were evolved over
a long period of time. There are not enough paintings to depict every
hunt, neither are the walls decorated nor all the drawings finished. For
the most part, the paintings are not mutilated, and the few projectile-like
markings appear more like abstract signs than diagrams of the hunt. The
pictures are of animals in various attitudes, not hunted, not domesticated-bulls
standing, cows leaping, little horses galloping, deer swimming, deer with
antlers like five-pointed stars, mountain ponies, sleek gazelles, a few
fabulous beasts similar to unicorns, a few felines, one rhinoceros, and
one ithphallic therianthropic being, a bird-headed man with an erect penis.
THE
WELL SCENE
Of all the paintings
at Lascaux there is none more curious and arresting than "The Well
Scene," or as it is sometimes called, "The Shaft of the Dead
Man." Many commentators have noted the twisted perspective and have
felt there is coherency in the disorder without having found the meditated
effort behind the composition.
Abbé H. Breuil, the author of Four Hundred Centuries of Cave Art,
who initially catalogued the paintings upon their discovery, sees The
Well Scene as commemorating some fatal accident that occurred in the course
of a hunt. The rhinoceros disemboweled the bison, and the bison killed
the man. As for the pole surmounted by a bird, he is reminded of the funeral
posts of the Alaskan Eskimos.13
H. Kirchner, in his article in Anthropos, believes the bird-headed man
is a shaman in an ecstatic trance. He compares The Well Scene to a representation
of a cow sacrifice by the Siberian Yakuts in which there are posts topped
by birds similar to the ones depicted in the Lascaux scene. These auxiliary
spirits help the shaman accomplish his journey while he is unconscious.14
To these interpretations can be added Thompson's theory of the dying male
god and the Paleolithic Mother Goddess, a theme, as he points out, that
recurs in the myth of Isis and Osiris and is pictured in the "Pieta"
of Michelangelo.15
The various explanations of The Well Scene do not exclude one another,
for there is symbolism in this Paleolithic painting that could be the
source from which later myths and images are derived.
THE BIG DIPPER
You are familiar
with the group of stars known as the Big Dipper. If you have studied astronomy,
you know that its apparent change of place is due to the turning of the
earth on its axis, which makes it appear that the dipper is moving. The
two outer stars in the bowl of the dipper are in line with the North Star,
and the handle swings in a circle. The Big Dipper is seen in different
parts of the sky during each season because of the earth's rotation around
the sun. Sailors and travelers watch this constellation in order to tell
the hour of the night by its position.
You know the light coming from those stars moves fast. A light year is
the distance that light travels in a year, approximately six million million
miles. Since light can travel a distance equal to the circumference of
the earth in 1/7 second, celestial distances are enormous. Add to this
the sources of the light, the stars, are moving. One million years ago,
when Pithecanthropus first looked up, the Big Dipper was shaped more like
the leg of a hoofed animal than a dipper.16
In France, the Big
Dipper is called the Casserole; in England, the same group of stars is
known as the Plough. In China, it is the Celestial Bureaucrat who, seated
on a cloud, is accompanied on his rounds by his eternally hopeful petitioners.
In India and Arabia, seven oxen turning a millstone represent this constellation,
and the North Pole is the axle bearing in which the mill-iron turns.
Greeks, Romans, and American Indians see the Big Dipper as a Great Bear.
The Sioux say it is looking for a place to lie down and hibernate.17 In
Thebes, a large group of stars, containing the Dipper, was portrayed as
a procession of a bull, a horizontal man or god, Ra-Horus, and a hippopotamus
with a crocodile on its back.18
These motifs in world mythology, with the possible exception of the Casserole,
express highly developed astronomical concepts. Archaeoastronomy is the
study of the position of the stars in times past. These studies indicate
that we have to re-evaluate the theoretical astronomy of the ancients
because it has been shown that the temples and megaliths of ancient times
represent the codification of a tradition of sophisticated observation
that dates back to the Upper Paleolithic.
ARCHAEOASTRONOMY
The modern science
of archaeoastronomy began in March, 1890, when Sir J. Norman Lockyer took
a vacation from his post at the Royal Academy in London and went to the
Levant. Lockyer, influenced by Professor Nissen of Germany, who had published
the first papers on temple orientations, noted the many changes of direction
in the foundations of the temple at Eleusis and thought that there might
be possible astronomical origins in their orientations. He endeavored
to ascertain whether this subject had been worked out, but he found, after
consulting books and archeologists, that the idea was original.
In a series of lectures, Lockyer pointed out that one would ultimately
be able to arrive at dates in regard to the foundations of temples. He
returned to Cairo, where his friend Brugsch Bey showed him an inscription
concerning the foundation of the temple of Edfu, which indicated that
his idea was possibly 6,000 years old. Further research and measurements
supported his idea that the orientation of the temples had an astronomical
basis. To complete the picture, he brought together the data from old
Egyptian calendars, myths, and temple orientations.
In 1894, Lockyer published The Dawn of Astronomy. His work demonstrated
that the Egyptian iconography of animal forms represent both mythological
personages and actual constellations. Using measurements from the monuments
and the text from E.A. Wallis Budge's translation of The Book of the Dead,
he investigated the astronomical basis of the Egyptian pantheon.19
The goddess Hathor, or Isis, personified a star, and the Temple of Hathor
at Dendera, which was built on the ruins of much older temples, was used
to watch this star. Lockyer described the alignment of the axis of the
temple, and he noted that at widely spaced periods of time other stars
had risen at nearly this same amplitude. With specially built instruments
to make calculations of the position of stars in the past, Lockyer correlated
his architectural measurements and the cosmological language of Egyptian
myths.
The Egyptologists of Lockyer's time scoffed at his theory. Contemporary
archeologists now support Lockyer's conclusions. Schwaller de Lubicz explains
how the circular zodiac in the Temple of Hathor shows the ancient Egyptians
understood that a new constellation comes into position behind the rising
sun at the vernal equinox every 2,200 years.20
The precession of
the equinoxes is caused by the change in the direction of the axis of
the earth in space over a period of 26,000 years. At present, the pole-star
is in the constellation of Ursa Minor, but in the past other stars have
had this position: Draconis in the tail of Draco at 2,700 BCE, Vega in
the constellation Lyra, 12,000 BCE, Deneb in Cygnus about 20,000 BCE,
and Polaris again at the dawn of the last Aquarian Age.21
If hidden in the myths there is the awareness of the precession of the
equinoxes, then it would have taken many generations (and an occasional
Galileo in goatskins) to have performed the naked-eye observations required
to produce the results for which the Egyptian temples would be constructed.
COHERENT DISORDER
To enter the Well
you descend from a chamber called the Apse, so-called because it ends
in a semi-dome. On the walls are paintings that have been nearly effaced
by what Bataille calls "a swarming network of countless etchings."
The entire ceiling and all the walls were minutely carved with many of
the figures superimposed. The vast number of engravings is in contrast
to the few figures in the Well Scene, as if here an abundance of data
was accumulated and computed into the equation on the wall of the Well.
The cave itself is a sacred space, and the Well is a special spot within
this space. The Main Hall opens directly north, and the wall of the Well
Scene, as you face it, is a few degrees south of east. The bird-headed
man points to the celestial north, and the spear represents the pole of
the ecliptic. I consider all the figures in the Well Scene to pertain
to one composition, and that composition is analogous to Egyptian charts
of the northern constellations represented by a hippopotamus, a bull,
and a bird-headed man.22
The figures on the
far right are from a Theban Tomb, and the figures on on the far left are
from the square zodiac at Dendera. The center group are a hybrid with
the Hippopotomus having donned the cloak of the Crocodile, the body of
the Bull taking the shape of the Thigh, and the twisted cord attached
to the Thigh becoming an isosceles triangle and ten dots. If the three
stars that are in front of the Dipper (those that make up the shoulder
and eye of the Great Bear) are added to the seven stars of the Dipper,
the shape is similar to that held by the Hippopotamus. The Crocodile could
have been an earlier figure for the same constellation, which is presently
Draco, the Dragon.
Lockyer notes that our modern astronomers observe the stars at the meridian,
but that the ancients considered the risings and settings as significant.
In Egyptian mythology, the event of a rising star was represented as Isis
nursing Horus, or Isis (the star goddess) taking Horus (the sun god) from
his cradle. When there was not a rising star at dawn, a grown Horus could
dispel the darkness by slaying the Crocodile. The symbolic notation was
flexible: a god could be a star, a constellation, or a force behind the
relationship of a star and a constellation.
We go back now to 23,303 BCE at dawn on the autumnal equinox. The wall
of the Well has been prepared to receive an underpainting of ochre. The
rhinoceros is painted in the superior style, although it is unfinished,
so it appears to be drowning or disappearing over the horizon. The paint
used to model the hindquarters is blown on a wet surface, and the front
legs are casually sketched.
The man is rendered
in cartoon style, and the bison, drawn in broad strokes, is a combination
of both styles. Many commentators have noted this mixture of styles, and
the painting has been used as an axis from which to tentatively chronicle
other paintings in the cave.
The twisted perspective has been interpreted to mean the artists could
not draw in renaissance perspective, so the head of the bison was drawn
in ¾ profile to show the animal turning. Actually, this is not
so much wrong as it is not taken far enough. The position of the hind
legs and the shading of the rhino, even the partially rendered front legs
and the position on the curvature of the wall, combine to make the figure
move out of the composition. Many editors printing a reproduction of this
painting crop out the rhino and the six dots entirely.
The birdman is very rigid. The front of the bison is also stiff and two-dimensional,
and the left front hoof is turned so the cleft is visible. The spear bisects
the hind quarters of the bison, and there is a break in the shaft, as
there are breaks in the dart and the staff, suggesting a coordinate system
with the iconography of eyes, nose, thighs and toes all loaded with symbolic
content. Every kind of perspective is utilized. Given flickering torchlight
and a little psilocybe, a holographic paradigm of cosmic proportions emerges,
but I'll leave off describing a Cro-Magnon ceremony.
GRAPHIC CONSIDERATIONS
The classical method
of computing p is by using regular inscribed and circumscribed polygons.
Aryabahata (c.530 A.D.) gave 62,832/20,000 = 3.1416. It is possible to
arrive at this value from calculating the perimeter of a regular inscribed
polygon of 384 sides. In 1967, workers at the Commissariat á l'Énergie
Atomique in Paris found p to 500,000 places on a CDC 6600 computer.
Peter Tompkins, in Secrets of the Great Pyramid, shows Schwallers de Lubicz's
graphic evidence that the Egyptians in the time of Rameses IX had worked
out a direct relation between p and ?.23 p = ?² x 6/5. The figure
in the diagram below shows the pharaoh as the hypotenuse of a sacred 3-4-5
triangle formed in conjunction with a snake. The pharaoh as ? is split
into a ?+1 proportion by his phallus. The upraised arm gives a 6/5, or
1.2 x ?² (?=1.618, or p =3.1416).
I have drawn a 3-4-5
triangle on top of the birdman using the two outer dots and the back of
the birdman's head as points for the side and the bottom of the bird on
the staff, the heel of the birdman and the toes of the bison for the base.
The distance from the right toe to the phallus would be in proportion
of p to the hypotenuse.
The following diagram shows the Well Scene in a construction of two golden
section proportions along a straight line O1 to O2, drawn through the
eye of the bird and the butt of the man. An arc of a circle with O1 or
O2 as the center and the radius being the height of the golden rectangle,
drawn from the end of the spear to the horn of the rhino, establishes
the birdman lying head to toe between these two golden section proportions.
The base of the penis is in the middle of the pentagram, which shows the
Pythagorean triangle and golden section proportions from the base of the
penis to the break in the dart.
The next diagram shows
a pentagon inscribed within a circle, which has a radius determined by
the distance from the penis to the beak of the birdman. The pentagon's
triangles approximate 3-4-5 proportions. The circumference of the circle
passes through the eye of the birdman, through a pair of dots, the lower
break in the dart, and touches a hoof of the bison. A line from the eye
of the rhino passes on the diagonal through the six dots, touches one
of the birdman's hands, tips the penis, and passes through the point where
the spear lays across the vulva of the bison.
Next, a golden rectangle
is drawn from the birdman's head to the butt of the bison. The logarithmic
spiral passes behind the the head of the birdman, touches a hand, passes
through the eye of the bird on the staff, and continues through a break
in the dart.
The last diagram shows different relationships in the proportions of the
composition measured along neighboring equidistant radii.
Whether it is argued the proportional harmonies revealed in the Well Scene
were arrived at intuitively or intentionally, the diagrams dispel the
notion of a haphazard or awkward placement of the figures in the composition.
In the Well Scene, the broken line with the figure of the bird at the
top resembles a dart-thrower, a baton of command and an instrument with
which to make naked-eye observations of stellar positions. The bird is
dove-like, a symbol of the Mother Goddess.
The axis of the temple at Dendera is indicated by the figure of a hawk-like
bird on a staff, which precedes a man with a baton and follows a cow with
a star between her horns. The hawk is a symbol for both Horus and Boreas,
gods who are associated with the north. In the Well Scene, one of the
four-fingered hands of the birdman reaches for the staff, and one is between
the horns of the bison. The cave at Lascaux has a natural bearing northward,
and the drawing on the wall in the Well Scene faces east. The birdman
points towards the northern constellations, which the Pythagoreans called
the two hands of Rhea. The bison then represents the eastern horizon in
one framework and the circumpolar revolution of the two Dippers in another.
EPILOGUE
This essay began
when my friend, David Pond, asked me if the Chaldeans invented astrology.
I found that the 6th century BCE Chaldean Dynasty is credited. This Babylonian
dynasty lasted only a brief period, but its priests claimed their science
was 473,00 years old.24
Long before the settlements, before agriculture and pottery and weaving,
people were hunters and gatherers, and they lived in or near caves. Some
of these caves were used for ceremonial, scientific and artistic purposes.
They were the churches, laboratories and museums of their society. As
Joseph Campbell so poetically states, "They are the underworld itself,
the realm of the herds of the underworld, from which the herds of the
upperworld proceed and back to which they return. They are the realm and
substance of night, the darkness, and of the night sky, their animals
being comparable to the stars."25
Did the anonymous artists of the Franco-Cantabrian Province have the notion
that time was a sacred mystery? I have explored the possibility these
early people understood the operative forces of their surroundings and
celebrated their knowledge with sensitivity and precision.
NOTES
| 1 |
John A. Eddy,
"Medicine Wheels & Plains Indian Astronomy," Astronomy
of the Ancients, Brecher & Feirtag, eds., (Cambridge: The MIT
Press, 1980), pp. 1-24. |
| 2 |
John C. Brandt,
"Pictographs and Petroglyphs of the Southwest Indians,"
Astronomy of the Ancients, p. 34. |
| 3 |
Anna Sofaer,
as reported by Thomas Y. Canby in "The Anasazi: Riddles in the
Ruins," National Geographic, Vol. 162, No. 5 (November, 1982),
p. 581. |
| 4 |
André
Leroi-Gourhan, "The Beginnings of Art," Larousse Encyclopedia
of Phrehistoric & Ancient Art (New York: Prometheus Press, 1962),
p. 27. |
| 5 |
Howard Eves,
An Introduction to the History of Mathematics (New York: Holt, Rinehart
& Winston, 1976), p. 175. |
| 6 |
William Irwin
Thompson, The Time Falling Bodies Take to Light (New York: St. Martin's
Press, 1981), pp. 104-105. |
| 7 |
Georges Bataille,
Lascaus, or the Birth of Art (Switzerland: Skira, 1955), p. 141. |
| 8 |
Douglas Mazonowicz,
Voices from the Stone Age (New York: Thomas Crowell, 1974), pp. 31-32. |
| 9 |
Pierre Grimal,
Larousse World Mythology (London: Paul Hamlyn, 1965, p. 21. |
| 10 |
Ibid., p. 22. |
| 11 |
Abbe Henri Breuil,
"The Palaeolithic Age," Larousse Encyclopedia of Prehistoric
and Ancient Art, p. 33. |
| 12 |
Andre Leroi-Gourhan,
as reported by William Irwin Thompson in The Time Falling Bodies Take
to Light, pp. 107-110. |
| 13 |
Bataille, op.
cit., a commentary by Abbé H. Breuil in the appendix. |
| 14 |
Ibid., an article
by H. Kirchner, "Anthropos," 1952, in the appendix. |
| 15 |
Thompson, op.
cit., pp. 111-112. |
| 16 |
The two illustrations
on the left come from Carl Sagan, Cosmos (New York: Random House,
1980), p. 197 and the three on the right from J. Benbow Bullock, Stars
for Lincoln, Doctors & Dogs (San Francisco: Gourmet Guides, 1981),
p. 3. |
| 17 |
Donald H. Menzel,
A Field Guide to the Stars & Planets (Boston: Houghton Mifflin
Co., 1964), p. 107. |
| 18 |
J. Norman Lockyer,
The Dawn of Astronomy (Cambridge: The MIT Press, 1964), p. 151. |
| 19 |
Ibid., Author's
preface, pp. x-xiii. |
| 20 |
Peter Tompkins,
Secrets of the Great Pyramid (New York: Harper & Row, 1971), pp.
172-173. |
| 21 |
Lockyer, op.
cit., see star map, p. 127. |
| 22 |
The figures in
the center and to the left are from Thompkins, op. cit, p. 174; the
figures on the right are from Lockyer, op. cit, p. 151. |
| 23 |
Thompkins, op.
cit., p. 194. |
| 24 |
Nicholas de Vore,
Encyclopedia of Astrology (Totowa: Littlefield, Adams & Co., 1977),
pp. 51-52. |
| 25 |
Joseph Campbell,
The Masks of God: Primitive Mythology (New York: Penguin Books, 1976),
I, p. 325. |
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